Mexico: Popular Revolutionary Army update and analysis

Gerardo Otero (otero@sfu.ca)
Wed, 03 Jul 1996 23:21:40 -0700

From: MEXPAZ_analysis <analysis@uibero.uia.mx>

MEXPAZ: ANALYSIS #79

"Heartbeat of Mexico"
July 3, 1996

GUERRERO

CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS

Friday, June 28

16:00, Aguas Blancas: During a ceremony event commemorating the
anniversary of the 1995 massacre of 17 peasants, 100 well-
uniformed men and women brandishing AK-47's and other automatic
arms appear and identify themselves as combat elements of the
Popular Revolutionary Army (PRA). "Captain Emiliano" declares
the inauguration of "armed struggle" against the Mexican
government, and another member of the group reads the "Manifesto
of Aguas Blancas", parts of which are translated to Nahuatl,
language of the Aztecs still spoken by hundreds of thousands of
Mexicans. The document announces a five-points program,
including "overthrow of the anti-popular, anti-democratic,
demagogical and illegitimate government".

A stunned Cuauhtemo'c Ca'rdenas, keynote speaker at the event is
allowed to leave, declaring, "I didnot know anything. I don't
know anything. I don't know."

Mexico City, later that day: The Attorney General of the
Republic and the Interior Secretariat release a joint communique
in which the two agencies aver that "at approximately 15:55, a
group of 38 persons presented themselves at the site of the
event, carrying firearms prohibited by law." The federal
Attorney General initiates patrols as well as an investigation
into violations of the Federal Law of Firearms and Explosives.

Zumpango, Guerrero, between 20:00 and 21:00: An armed
confrontation between presumed PRA members and judicial police
takes place 10 kilometers outside state capital Chilpancingo.
According to Zumpango Preventive Police, 20 PRA elements had
installed a roadblock on the Acapulco-Mexico City highway to
distribute copies of the "Manifesto" and ask for donations. When
judicial police arrive, shots are fired from a tarp-covered
truck. Two days later, the Guerrero State Attorney General would
deny that the skirmish was with PRA members, claiming instead
that shots were exchanged with 15 highway bandits.

Saturday, June 29

Various points in Guerrero: Hundreds of troops (precise numbers
are hard to come by) swarm the coastal region of Guerrero. In
the morning, military checkpoints are installed on the federal
coastal highway between Acapulco and Zihuatanejo; in the
afternoon, approximately 200 soldiers arrive to Xochilapa, in
close to Zumpango in the mountainous region about an hour from
the coast. About 130 soldiers set up camp in El Parai'so.

Mexico City, afternoon: An anonymous, high-ranking official from
the Interior Secretariat states that "everything points to" links
between the PRA and the Campesino Organization of the Southern
Sierra (OCSS, in Spanish), a peasant group with a history of
political dissidence and protest. The functionary indicated that
arrest of OCSS leader Benigno Guzma'n was possible.

San Miguel Totolapan, sierra of Guerrero: Federal Army troops
from the 40th Battallion, with headquarters in Ciudad Altamirano,
arrest 12 men dressed with uniforms similar to those of the
Federal Army. However, unconfirmed Army versions assured that
the detainees were bandits with no links to the PRA.

Sunday, June 30

Chilpancingo, Guerrero: Militarization of the state continues at
a steady pace throughout the day. At midday, A 30-truck convoy
arrives from Mexico City to state capital Chilpancingo with
reinforcements. Meanwhile, troops from the 35th and 40th
batallions (the former headquartered in Chilpancingo) "combed"
the sierra surrounding the state capital. A 15-truck convoy
leaves from Chilpancingo toward the mountain town of Tlapa.
Furthermore, 240 soldiers are stationed in Coyu'ca de Beni'tez, a
coastal municipality not far from Aguas Blancas.

The OCSS disavows ties with the PRA. Benigno Guzma'n states that
"we didn't know about their existence", further claiming that ex-
governor Rube'n Figueroa often associated the campesino group
with armed movements as a tactic to discredit the OCSS's
political work. The campesino leader does, however, acknowledge
sympathy with the PRA's struggle.

San Cristo'bal, Chiapas: The federal congressional Comission for
Concord and Pacification (COCOPA) denies that there are links
between the Zapatista Army for National Liberation (EZLN) in
Chiapas and the Guerrero rebels, asserting that peace talks in
the southern state would not be affected by events in Guerrero.

Mexico City: La Jornada publishes portions of an interview with
"Major Emiliano", who claims that the PRA was formed "over a year
ago ... [because] the government doesn't leave us any other way".

Monday, July 1

Acapulco, Guerrero: Military patrols of three Guerrero
battallions (the 35th, 40th and 29th, the latter stationed in
Acapulco) intensify within the conflict zone. Troops police
local elections in five sierra communities. No conflicts are
reported.

Tepetixtla, Guerrero: Judicial police officially place three
youths, members of the OCSS, under arrest for unspecified crimes.
The police corps had detained 50 OCSS militants on Saturday, June
29, who were released after remaining in custody for 24 hours.
Meanwhile, rumors of an impending attempt on the life of Benigno
Guzma'n circulated in Tepextitla and Atoyac.

San Cristo'bal, Chiapas: EZLN spokesman Subcommander Marcos
rejects any connection with or prior knowledge of the PRA, vowing
to continue the process of dialog "until it's exhausted". The
EZLN leader further stated that the Zapatistas haven't sought
agreements with other armed groups since to do so would betray
the group's commitment to a political solution.

Tuesday, July 2

Acapulco, Guerrero: According to a wire report of the news
agency Dpa, thirty men and women appear in a poor neighborhood
"El Sinai" of the port city to distribute copies of the
"Manifesto of Aguas Blancas". Interior Secretary Emilio
Chuayffet categorically denies the report. Although Dpa cited a
barrio inhabitant as the source, the press agency would later
withdraw the report as "unverified".

For its part, the PRA releases a communique in which it states
that "armed conflict is imminent" given the intensity of Army
activity in the zone, although no declaration of war had yet been
issued. The press release denies that any members were in enemy
hands and clarifies its status as a "political-military
structure" with a political program, ranks, uniforms and a chain
of command.

Coyuca de Beni'tez: The Public Ministry frees the three youths
detained on Saturday, June 29, without pressing charges. Mayor
Ezequiel Zu'n'iga Galeana opines that the guerrillas are not
native to the "Big Coast" region of central Guerrero, but rather
from southern Guerrero, Oaxaca and Puebla.

(Information taken from La Jornada, El Financiero June 29-July 3,
and Proceso, July 1)

REACTIONS

The reactions have been varied and, due to the lack of
information concerning the PRA, speculative. Some have doubted
the group's importance or even genuineness:

Not Guerrillas, Just Common Criminals

The reaction from official circles has been largely dismissive,
attempting to isolate the problem and treat it as insignificant
or reducing it to a merely criminal affair. PRI party president
Santiago On'ate stated that there was no evidence indicating that
the group was truly a guerrilla army, while Dionisio Pe'rez
Ja'come, head of the Social Communication secretariat (exective
branch) dismissed the Popular Revolutionary Army's apparition as
"an isolated act of delinquency" and indicated that the rebels
will be treated as common criminals. (La Jornada, June 30)
Important business sectors, such as the Mexican Employers
Conferedation (COPARMEX) and the Business Coordinating Council
(CCE) share this view as well. (El Financiero, July 2)

Reactionary Plot to Justify Repression?

On the other hand, some commentators have suggested that the
rebels were created by hard-liners (the Army, the federal
government, Rube'n Figueroa, governing from behind the scenes) to
justify increased militarization of the zone and official
repression. Cuauhte'moc Ca'rdenas suggested that the appearance
of the group was "an act of frank provocation as a call to
repression in a region where important social organizations have
surged forth, because of the quantity of people they gather
together as well as they struggle they are undertaking." (La
Jornada, July 1.) PRI deputy Marcos Rasco'n also noted that the
events would seem to benefit ex-governor Figueroa by supporting
his long-standing claims of ties between peasant political groups
and revolutionary movements. According to this reasoning, the
Aguas Blancas massacre could be considered as a merely
overzealous excess.

CONCLUSIONS

- Lack of Information: Hard facts are difficult to come by. One
example: press reports estimated the group's size to be 100 men
and women, while the Interior Secretary spoke of just 38.
Nothing is known about the PRA's origin, size or political and
financial backing.

- Armed Revolution, But With Blanks: Without denying its
authenticity (the facts are too incomplete to arrive at a
judgment), the PRA certainly has a curious methodology: it is,
as one columnist noted, perhaps the only revolutionary group to
begin a campaign with an act of publicity instead of violence.
(Jose' Reveles, El Financiero, July 2). Hardly Fidel and Che
taking the barracks at Moncada! Up till now, there are still no
confirmed reports of military battles.

- Social Demands and Violence: Whatever the origins of the
group, the sympathy expressed at the June 28 rally evidences the
potential for social explosion. Even if the group really is part
of some fantastic conspiracy, its political rhetoric truly
expresses the demands and needs of rural Guerrero. If these
demands aren't resolved through institutional mechanisms, more
violence is foreseeable.

- PRD: The government has tried to associate the Party of the
Democratic Revolution with the PRA, emphasizing Ca'rdenas'
presence at the Aguas Blancas ceremony. Several commentators
have noted that the party's political activity in the state will
be severely constrained as a result of this turn of events.

- Militarization: The Army and various police corps (State
Judicial Police and the Attorney General) are seizing the
opportunity to propogate its presence in the state. Very
conservatively, 600-700 Army troops are searching Guerrero
mountains for about 100 rebels (given press estimates of the June
28 event in Aguas Blancas). While the Army's strength is
increasing, civilian government appears increasingly weaker. The
Army has been pushing for an increased political profile since
for the last year and a half. The events in Guerrero will have
an enormous impact on the Chiapas negotiations, and could be
decisive for the rest of the nation as well. Will conflicts be
solved militarily or politically?

David Crow
Javier Medina
Fronteras Comunes
e-mail: frontcomunes@laneta.apc.org